Wednesday, September 18, 2013

The Yom Kippur War: Forty Years Out


Written by Michael Anfang (Hanefesh IA)

            Many look at the Yom Kippur war as a defeat; something to be mourned rather than celebrated.  I consent that we did not win this strife with the Arab nations as handily as we did in 1967, however Israel is still alive and just as strong, if not stronger, than it was on the ninth of Tishrei, 5734 (October 5, 1973).  I then propose that we look at this war and what it means given the modern situation.
            After the Six Days War (June 5-10, 1967), Egypt and Syria were constantly lamenting their loss of territory to Israel.  Egypt’s Sadat made constant threats to regain the land that they lost, with actual military planning beginning in 1971.   Syria, who had been Egypt’s ally ever since the time of the United Arab Republic (1958-1961), was also not happy about losing the Golan in the 1967 war and released aggressive rhetoric, albeit less aggressive than that of Sadat.  In the days and weeks leading up to Yom Kippur, both Egypt and Syria conducted military exercises close to the border that included many reservists.  Many in the Israeli government, including Prime Minister Golda Meir, brushed these exercises as simply normal drills (at this time many countries, including Israel, would have exercises like these near their borders).  On Yom Kippur morning Meir, Defense Minister Moshe Dayan, and IDF Chief of Staff David Elazar met to discuss the possibility of a pre-emptive strike against Syria.  Dayan told Meir that war was not necessarily imminent while Elazar argued to strike Syrian air, missile and ground forces all that day.  Obviously Meir sided with Dayan and thus the Arabs were given the first opportunity to strike.
            At 2:00 pm on October 6th, the Egyptian Air Force sent two hundred planes on a bombing mission to destroy Israeli targets.   Over the next three hours, Egypt sent over thirty thousand soldiers into the Sinai to attack the Israeli fortifications known as the Bar Lev Line.  Through the night, Egypt breached the Bar Lev Line and brought in hundreds of tanks and thousands of soldiers.  Over the next few days Israel held their ground with some casualties on both sides until Israel broke through with an offensive on October 14th.  Starting on October 14th, the IDF pierced a hole in the Egyptian ranks and, with the help of the IAF’s aerial support, drove the Egyptian army back.  By October 23rd, the UN Security Council had passed a resolution for a ceasefire, which was immediately ignored by Egypt and Israel had pushed Egypt back to the 1967 borders and surrounded Egypt’s 3rd army.  By October 28th, after heavy efforts by the United States, a ceasefire was declared between Egypt and Israel and lasted until the more permanent treaty was signed in January of 1974.
            The northern front followed a pattern fairly similar to that of the southern front.  In the first couple of days, Syrian forces engaged thousands of tanks and infantrymen in the Golan and captured several key Israeli strongholds.  Israeli tanks and fortifications holding back massive Syrian forces until they were overwhelmed characterized the first couple days of the northern fight.  By the end of October 8th, Israeli reservists had arrived and started pushing the Syrians back; the forces were at the 1967 lines by October 10th.  Between October 11th and October 14th Israeli forces advanced towards Damascus, and at their closest point were shelling the Syrian capital at a distance of only 40km.  This offensive push into Syria incited Iran and Jordan to put men on the ground against Israel, although neither nation used many resources.  Over the nine days following October 14th, Israel was attempting to rid the Golan of Syrian forces (it reclaimed Mr. Hermon on October 22nd), while Arab forces were attempting to push Israel out of 1967 Syria.  Syrian President Hafez Al-Assad (Bashar’s father) accepted the ceasefire on October 23rd and Iraq and Jordan followed suit.
            After many ceasefires had been called and it was looking as though the dust was settling, US Secretary of State Harry Kissinger (who won the Nobel Peace Prize for withdrawing from Vietnam) made a major effort for all the countries to sign peace deals.  Israel signed a peace treaty with Egypt in 1978 (Camp David Accords with Carter, Sadat, and Begin) and a treaty with Jordan in 1994 (Clinton, Hussein, and Rabin).  Israel and Syria have never signed a treaty.  Over the course of nineteen days, approximately 2,500 Israeli soldiers were lost while around 15,000 Arab (Egyptian, Syrian, Iraqi, and Jordanian) soldiers were lost. 
            So what does this mean for us in 5774?  As the tenth of Tishrei approaches we face a similar menace to that of forty years ago.  The IDF is receiving major cuts due to Israel’s national debt and Finance Minister Yair Lapid’s draconian budget cuts.  ­Israel does not need fewer defenses these days, but rather it needs its protectors more than ever.  The Shia crescent is becoming stronger by the day, even considering the weakened stance of Syrian President Bashar Al- Assad.  There is no political power in the office of the President of Iran; all real power rests in the hands of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khameini.  This means that nuclear reactors will keep spinning with the Islamic Republic’s nuclear program sprinting towards wielding the greatest weapon known to mankind.  The Shia crescent is not limited to Iran and Syria, but also includes Hezbollah, with both Israeli intelligence and it’s chief Hassan Nasrallah claiming that the terrorist organization possesses tens of thousands of missiles, all of which are aimed at Israel.  With turmoil in Syria, the possibility of Hezbollah gaining access to Assad’s vast supply of chemical weapons is more and more looming.
            The threats are not solely exterior, but also interior.  Ethnicity based clashes and vandalisms are becoming more and more common, not just on the Israeli side but also the Arab side.  Israeli extremists vandalize Muslim property on a regular basis in what are known as “price tag attacks”, which most often occur in Judea, Samaria, and Jerusalem.  These Israelis are called terrorists by the left but patriots by the right.  They are working against the Islamic threat posed by the “Palestinians”.  On the second day of Rosh Hashanah this year, Arabs were stoning Israeli security officers who were simply guarding the Western Wall area of the Temple Mount.  It shows that, although we would love to believe otherwise, those people have not changed.  We would love to have a peace deal with every country in the world, including the possibility of a Palestinian state, but we cannot do so with countries that will not even recognize our right to exist. 
            So then I ask that this weekend when you are in shul for Yom Kippur to think about Israel’s future.  Should we continue to rest on our laurels and not prepare for the challenges at hand in the hope that we can squeak out another victory as we did in 1973?  Or should we act now and repeat 1967?  Will you tell your children and grandchildren about how you pushed for Israel to allow a terrorist state within its historical and legal borders, or how you kept all of the Holy Land as Israel?  Will you stand idly by while Israel stares down the threat of Iran, or will you tell your politicians that we cannot accept this major threat to global security?  I beg of you to not sit on your hands with your head in the sand, but rather open your eyes and do something.  If not for yourself, then for Israel.  We have the power to put our voices (and our dollars) to use in strengthening the State of Israel.  The last question is for how long can we inscribe Israel into the Book of Life? The answer to that is up to you.
Shanah tova.
 
Michael Anfang is the USY International Chair for Israel Promotions 2013, USY International Co-Chair of Israel Challenge 2013, and Hanefesh USY Israel Affairs Vice President 2013-2014.  He is also Senior Middle East Fellow at the Longmeadow Secondary International Organization. "All opinions expressed are my own and do not intend to reflect the views and/or policies of USY on this matter."